By the year 1999-2000, when this case study was carried out, the biomass needs (except timber) of the entire village were being met from the regenerated forest. Vegetable cultivation had also become feasible with the recharging of the three natural water resources in the village. According to the women, all their grass, firewood and bamboo requirements were now being met from the forest. Minor timber needs for the making of agricultural implements (such as sickles, ploughs, and axes) were also being met from the forest. All the villagers were satisfied by the work of forest protection carried out by the FPC. 

Agriculture is the main source of income for the villagers and employment is also available in the village as daily-wage workers in small shops along the road.

The societal structure shows a visible dominance of men in the village, but the village has a woman heading the gram sabha (local self government institution).

Holta village initiated its own protection practices of communal land conservation (sanjaiti) around 1986.

According to the Holta villagers the water sources of the village had dried up and firewood and fodder had become scarce, as a result of unregulated and excessive forest use by surrounding villages and encroachments on the village land by local families. This compelled some village youth to lead by example as they began giving up their own encroachments, thus convincing the other encroachers to vacate the land. The village appointed an informal Forest Protection Committee (FPC), which had elected representatives from all hamlets and castes. The committee formulated a set of rules for grass, tree leaf fodder and firewood collection. These rules were strictly enforced.

Initially the committee did not have any women representatives. However, within a short while the committee realized that the women from their village as well as the neighbouring village continued to steal firewood and grass from the forest. These failed efforts in preventing women from stealing forest resources led the committee to induct four women as members of the committee.

Since Holta was part of the Tehri riyasat it did not have any van panchayat. The village initiated its own protection practices of communal land conservation (sanjaiti) around 1986.

The village appointed an informal Forest Protection Committee (FPC), which had elected representatives from all hamlets and castes and they set strict rules and penalties for people trespassing demarcated no-go areas.

By 2000 most biomass needs of the villages were met by the rejuvenated forests. 

The area has a high dependence on agriculture with limited migration of men. Literacy rates are low and most men work in the village itself or for wages or in small shops on the roadside in the vicinity. According to the Holta villagers the water sources of the village had dried up and firewood and fodder had become scarce, as a result of unregulated and excessive forest use by surrounding villages and encroachments on the village land by local families.

By 2000 most biomass needs of the villages were met by the rejuvenated forests.

The village appointed an informal Forest Protection Committee (FPC), which had elected representatives from all hamlets and castes. The committee formulated a set of rules for grass, tree leaf fodder and firewood collection. These rules were strictly enforced. Written communications in the form of letters were sent to the village heads of the surrounding villages stating rules and penalties against anybody entering the protected forest area. All the village households mutually contributed towards payment of a guard appointed to patrol the forest area

Village youth initiated the communal conservation drive by giving up the area their families had encroached. The village appointed an informal Forest Protection Committee (FPC), which had elected representatives from all hamlets and castes.

Women and men have different perspectives on the gender-specific changes in the FPC. According to the women, after gaining exposure and self-confidence through a government programme called mahila samakhya program, they have had to put up a hard fight to survive in the protection committee. As there are few men migrating out of the village, this has further narrowed down the scope of leadership opportunities for the women. Apart from this, while men from all castes participate in the decision-making, women from the so-called lower castes are further discriminated against while constituting the FPC.

The village appointed an informal Forest Protection Committee (FPC), which had elected representatives from all hamlets and castes. The committee formulated a set of rules for grass, tree leaf fodder and firewood collection. These rules were strictly enforced. 

Written communications in the form of letters were sent to the village heads of the surrounding villages stating rules and penalties against anybody entering the protected forest area. All the village households mutually contributed towards payment of a guard appointed to patrol the forest area.

There was a major conflict that followed with one of the surrounding villages going to court against Holta village on the issue of unclear boundaries of their respective common lands. However, this conflict declined over a period of time as all villages noticed a marked improvement in the forest condition and availability of water. 

The informal Forest Protection Committee (FPC), which had elected representatives from all hamlets and castes formulated a set of rules for grass, tree leaf fodder and firewood collection. These rules were strictly enforced. 

When the committee realized that the women from their village as well as the neighbouring village continued to steal firewood and grass from the forest, the committee inducted four women as members of the committee.

In 1987 written communications in the form of letters were sent to the village heads of the surrounding villages stating rules and penalties against anybody entering the protected forest area. All the village households mutually contributed towards payment of a guard appointed to patrol the forest area. Over a period of time as all villages noticed a marked improvement in the forest condition and availability of water, they started to follow the rules of No-go Areas more willingly. Women were included in the committee to manage their need for fodder and firewood. By 2000 most biomass needs of the villages were met by the forests. 

By the year 1999-2000, when this case study was carried out, the biomass needs (except timber) of the entire village were being met from the regenerated forest. Vegetable cultivation had also become feasible with the recharging of the three natural water resources in the village. According to the women, all their grass, firewood and bamboo requirements were now being met from the forest. Minor timber needs for the making of agricultural implements (such as sickles, ploughs, and axes) were also being met from the forest. All the villagers were satisfied by the work of forest protection carried out by the FPC.

Written communications in the form of letters were sent to the village heads of the surrounding villages stating rules and penalties against anybody entering the protected forest area by the informal FPC formed. All the village households mutually contributed towards payment of a guard appointed to patrol the forest area

The relationship between the forest department (FD) and the villagers is very sour. According to the village women, the FD has made them out to be thieves; however, when they take positive steps there is no help coming from the department. For example the FD does not provide any help for controlling forest fires even though they have provision for this. Dilution of powers and a lack of funds have contributed to the current crisis plaguing the system of community forest management.

The women are now insisting for reservation of seats in the village forest protection committee as there is in the local panchayat.